Translator's Postscript.--The translator feels, constrained to call especial attention to an extremely remarkable feature of this book. Madame Deventer had never read any of the other numerous works on the subject, but plowed the field as absolutely new ground, beginning her investigations, many years before her book was published in 1921, without the least idea whither they would lead her. This gives to her conclusions a greatly added weight, and even if her admiring translator had failed to follow all her deductions, he, for one, would certainly not presume to criticise them. Let others do so if they feel competent. W. P.

TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE The first critic of modern times to attack the Shakspere myth was A. W. von Schlegel in 1808. Coleridge followed in 1811, Byron in 1821, and Disraeli 1837. Emerson voiced his discontent at the incongruity of fact and verse in 1842. Gfroerrer of Stuttgart was frankly skeptical in 1843. But no substitute author seems to have been seriously suggested till Delia Bacon raised the standard of revolt in 1852. Since that date, thinker after thinker has declared in favor of the Bacon authorship, and discovery after discovery has been brought forward, all tending, in the words of Lord Palmerston, toward the "explosion of the Shakespearian illusions", until now it is fair to say that half, or at least a very strong and scholarly minority of real readers and thinkers have adopted the Baconian belief. But of all the great literary critics and students whose efforts have shed light upon this question of the Shakespeare Authorship, scarce one had deeply penetrated the historical mystery of Francis Bacon's lineage and birth, until the research on these lines was taken up by Madame Deventer von Kunow in the work which it has been my great privilege to put into English and which is now offered to the American reader. The endless and indefatigable patience with which she has delved in the musty archives of the past--those in England, in Spain and in Italy--justly entitles her to a place in the front rank of fearless historical investigators. The fact of Francis Bacon's parentage--the legitimate son of Queen Elizabeth and therefore the legal heir to the throne--is indubitable, supported as it is, not only by a mass of circumstantial evidence, but by such direct testimony as Leicester's letter to Philip of Spain, which Madame Deventer discovered among the Spanish State Archives, begging Philip to use his influence with Elizabeth to secure his public acknowledgment as Prince Consort. And Elizabeth's real reason for posing as the Virgin Queen,--announcing at the very beginning of her reign that no Tudor should follow her upon the throne,--may well have been the union of England and Scotland under one sceptre; and this grand concept, carried to fruition through the sacrifice of her husband, her son, and who shall say how much of her own heart, is perhaps in its unselfishness the one bright spot in the whole ghastly tragedy. No one with an open mind, or with the slightest cranny therein through which "revealing day can peep", can possibly

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follow Madame Deventer's revelations and remain unconvinced. Her study of the Plays in relation to their dates of presentation and publication is exhaustive and replete with valuable information. So important does the translator deem this feature of her book that he here subjoins a tabulated list of the Plays with the dates applying, in the belief that to many students, as to him, it will prove a most useful work of reference. Her analysis of the motif of each Play, studied with such care from the standpoint of the personality of Francis Bacon Tudor Shakespeare brings out new meanings, oft-times of tremendous import which we are surprised to find buried just out of sight, where we have rambled over them a score of times. An interesting example of this is Macbeth's vision of the eight Kings descending from Banquo--the eighth bearing the two-fold balls and treble sceptres--and the glass showing more to follow. All told and in all frankness, it is not too much to say that this work is one of the most interesting and important additions to Shakespearian literature since the production of the matchless Plays themselves, and if it serves but a tithe of its potential purpose in awakening new and stimulating old interest in the greatest literary production of the ages, both Author and Interpreter will be well repaid for their labors. The opportunity to reproduce the interesting picture on page 79 from a modern reprint in his possession, is due to the courtesy of Dr. W. H. Prescott, of Boston. The gifted author does not, of course, claim that every fact and deduction is absolutely new and original. Many noble investigators, to whom be all well-deserved honor, have plowed the field, but Madame Deventer adds her contribution to the sum total in the hope and belief that the matter and the manner of her presentation will be welcomed and appreciated. WILLARD PARKER. Conshohocken, Pa., U. S. A.

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THE AUTHOR'S FOREWORD Short though the Title of this book, the question therein implied--"Who was Francis Bacon?"--is of vast import. It embraces the descent, life and works of this man. To this inquiry the author devoted many years of searching investigation entirely unconnected with the Bacon-Shakespeare controversy, which question did not become known to her until a later day. In early youth, under the tuition of English instructors, I was taught English history and literature, read Shakespeare in English and later even in the original text, and when in after years I studied in England, I again turned my attention to history as a special branch. In this work I therefore treat the question regarding Francis Bacon in two separate parts: I. His descent and his life and work as a statesman. II. His work as a Philosopher, pseudonymous author, and "concealed poet," as he called himself in confidential and non-cryptic letters to his associates. When the commission was entrusted to me by friends to prepare for private record a "Stuart-Chronicle" based upon MSS. investigation, I required for this purpose access to historical documents and MSS.; and my way to all manner of sources of information was therefore gladly open to me. I also remember with gratitude the assistance of Dr. R. Garnett, LL. D., then director of the Department of King's Library in the British Museum in London, as also the MSS. offered me in Oxford, under Professor Max Muller's especial guidance. In my searches among the old books on sale and through Theatre lists and works regarding them, Shakespeare's great interpreter, Sir Henry Irving, was always at hand with friendly assistance, and as these dear, ever-remembered friends have in the meantime passed from among us, I cherish them the more faithfully in grateful recollection. An unpublished letter from Francis Bacon was the first cause and occasion of my Bacon-investigation. This letter is in itself of no general interest, as it refers only to a private affair of the recipient, but from this letter it is plainly evident that the correspondent must have been entrusted with the secrets of Francis Bacon's private life. Here occurred a lightly

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mentioned and veiled observation concerning the fateful burden resting upon Francis Bacon, of which the recipient was obviously aware. What was that experience which the young barrister, Francis Bacon, had passed through? That was to me, henceforward, the all-absorbing question. From the histories I had learned as his "Fate" only his fall from the Chancellorship. This, however, had occurred much later than the letter referred to, which had been written in the ninth decade of the Sixteenth Century, between 1580 and 1590. When I first devoted myself to the study of Francis Bacon's Life and Works, his literary and philosophical productions, and especially his letters, I did not suspect the crushing life-tragedy which was to be finally unfolded before me. But with all the greater clearness, from under the rubbish of years of false historical tradition, there then arose before me the true personality in the names: Francis Tudor Bacon, Baron Verulam, Viscount St. Alban,--Shakespeare. as one in its tremendous unity. It is therefore my purpose in this study through the application of known and admitted proof, and the aid of new evidence which I have discovered, to add what I may to the painstaking labors of other investigators, who have preceded me in this field. In this spirit I commend the work to the friendly offices of my readers. A. DEVENTER VON KUNOW. Weimar, Thuringen, Germany, 1921.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS FOREWORD--P. 6-7. PART I. --Historical investigations: Documentary evidences, e. g. old genealogical proofs, positive and negative: Old MSS. and what they yield. 1. The secret marriage of Queen Elizabeth and Robert Dudley,Lord Leicester, and the two sons sprung from this marriage: Francis, named Bacon, and Robert, named Devereux--P. 9-15. 2. Francis, called Mr. Bacon under Elizabeth--P. 16-47. 3. Francis, Baron Verulam and Viscount St. Albans, as statesman under James I--P. 48- 54. PART II. --Literary--Historical with MSS. evidence. 1. Francis Bacon, the Philosopher, and pseudonymous and anonymous author--P. 54-57. 2. Francis Tudor, "concealed poet" as he called himself in confidential and non-cryptic letters--P. 58-62. 3. What is positively known of the Actor "Shakspere"--P.63-66. 4. Contemporary Pamphlets--P. 66-68. 5. Comments concerning certain selected dramas in which Francis presents himself, allegorically on the stage as a Tudor--P. 69-85. 6. Sequence of the publication of Dramas, written for the Court, for masks at Gray's Inn, or for the stage. Quarto Editions: Alterations of Titles and finally the great Folio-- edition of 1623--P. 86-110. 7. The Work: De Sapientia Veterum and Comments upon individual sonnets--P. 111-118. AFTERWORD--P. 118-124. "It is ever darkest before day." _____________ We searchers desire to bring light, and in our investigations have thought only of the fame of that "Great Inheritance" which on the reviving of his memory and the knowledge of his true name is, according to his Will and Testament, to be awaited by: "Foreign Nations and the next ages."

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I QUEEN ELIZABETH AND ROBERT DUDLEY WHO WAS FRANCIS BACON? Many believe this question to be fully answered in historical works, all of which state that he was the son of Nicholas Bacon, Lord Keeper of the Great Seal under Queen Elizabeth. But even during Francis' lifetime were rumors current that he was the child of Elizabeth and Robert Dudley. All historians represent Dudley as the favorite of the Queen. In order to clearly understand her relations with him, it is necessary to seek for data from the time of their first acquaintance to the close of his life. With the support of the most varied documentary evidence the life of Robert Dudley is here chronologically set forth: The Sutton Family, Barons Dudley, was an old English Baronet Family. John of Sutton I., who died in 1321, married Margaret, daughter and heiress of John Somery, Baron Dudley, upon the Estate and Castle Dudley. Through Margaret came the castle and title of Lord Dudley into the Sutton family. Passing over the next generations, attention is drawn to John of Sutton II., Baron Dudley, Duke of Northumberland. He married his son, Guildford, to Jane Grey, oldest granddaughter of Henry VII's by his daughter, Lady Suffolk, sister to Henry VIII, as he hoped to bring this daughter-in-law to the throne. It is well known that Northumberland succeeded in persuading the young King Edward VI to pass over in his Testament his sisters Mary and Elizabeth and name Jane Grey as his successor. After the death of Edward VI, July 6, 1553, Northumberland's conspiracy in favor of Jane collapsed, and he, his son Guildford, and Jane, were arrested. With him were his four other sons, John, Ambrose, Henry and Robert Dudley, suspected of participation in the conspiracy. After the execution of the Duke, Lady Jane Grey and Guildford, the four other sons were still held prisoners in the Tower until 1555, when they were pardoned and by Act of Parliament

William Salt, Archiolog Society, Coll. IX, pt. II, p. 9-11 State Papers 1553-54

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Calendar of Hatfield MSS. New Rec. Office Dictionary of National Biography New Rec. Off. Dictionary of National Biography New Rec. Off. Dictionary of National Biography Harleian MSS. Brit. Museum New Rec. Off. State's Papers Foreign 1551-52

reinstated in their former rights,--"restored in blood by Act of Parliament." From this time the life of Robert Dudley begins to interest the Princess Elizabeth. She had met him at the court of her brother, Edward VI, where she had taken great delight in the society of the elegant Cavalier. Robert Dudley had received a comprehensive education at the University of Oxford, giving special attention to languages and mathematics, together with Alchemy and Physic. In accordance with the custom of the times he kept permanently in his castle an Italian physician, who was at the same time an Alchemist and Astrologer and understood the preparation of chemical compounds. His preference for Italian Physicians, who were celebrated for their secret arts, even as far as mixing poisons, caused it to be often suspected that the subsequent Lord Leicester had removed from his path by the poison route, persons who were disagreeable to him. Of his friendship with the young prince, afterward King Edward VI, and of his sojourn in the court, information is found in Edward's diary, wherein it is also mentioned that Robert Dudley often met there the Princess Elizabeth, who was about his own age. The King also describes Robert Dudley's marriage with Amy Robsart, daughter of Sir John Robsart, which took place June 4, 1550, in the presence of the King in the royal palace of Sheen in County Surrey. The Dictionary of National Biography adds that the two fathers, the Duke of Northumberland and Sir John Robsart, Lord of the Manor of Sidenstern, in May 1550 reached an agreement regarding the reciprocal dowries of their children. In February 1554 the Duke of Northumberland presented to his son Robert certain landed properties and Hemsby castle at Yarmouth. The letters of this couple, Robert and Amy Dudley, show how harmoniously they at first lived together, first in Norfolk, where Dudley administered local offices. In 1553 Robert Dudley was elected Member of Parliament from the County of Norfolk. In the meantime, when he sojourned at the court of the young King, Amy was not present. He also attended the King during his last illness, and Edward presented him with estates in the Counties of Rockingham, Easton and Leicester. In 1551 Robert spent some months at the French Court, where he took service under the Scottish Queen Dowager, Mary Guise.

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During his confinement in the Tower which was at the same time as the short imprisonment of Princess Elizabeth, Bishop Gardiner of Winchester, a fanatical Catholic and adherent of Queen Mary as her Chancellor of State, reports that a love affair had already sprung up there between Robert and Elizabeth. A chronicle of the Tower offers the further statement that the couple had been married there by a monk. The "Dictionary of National Biography" however states that after the execution of the Duke of Northumberland, Guildford Dudley and Lady Jane Grey, the imprisonment of the other Dudley sons was less strict, and that Robert Dudley was allowed to receive his wife Lady Amy. On Robert Dudley's liberation he attracted the attention of Philip II of Spain, then in England for his marriage to Queen Mary, and was chosen while Philip was in the Netherlands, as private ambassador between him and the queen. This intimacy explains Leicester's subsequent appeal to Philip to secure his (Leicester's) acknowledgment as Prince Consort. See page 17. After Robert Dudley and his brothers were pardoned, Oct. 18, 1554, and all honors and estates were restored to the four sons of Northumberland by Act of Parliament, Robert, with his brother Henry, entered the Military Service. Both fought at the battle of St. Quentin, where Henry was killed. Thus far Robert Dudley had discharged the duties of his rank and age without receiving special distinction, and in so far as he remained in his castles, he lived in various locations with Lady Amy. Upon Elizabeth's accession to the throne he sent his wife to a separate dwelling in the deep isolation of a cloister farmhouse at Cunmor Hall, which had formerly belonged to the monastery of Abingdon. This house in Cunmor Hall was in charge of Anthony Forster. Of the splendid furnishings of certain rooms in this house, as well as the payments for Robert's travelling costs, when he there visited his wife, all the particulars are to be found of record in the English archives of State. Meanwhile Dudley rose in the favor of the Queen, and from this time on Lady Amy complains in her letters of her husband's neglect. On Sept. 18, 1559, Lady Amy died suddenly; as was said, in consequence of a fall from the stairs in Cunmor Hall. As history also reports, Robert Dudley's conduct regarding his wife's funeral was questionable, as he absented himself therefrom. The "Dictionary of National Biography" states that Lady Amy's death was reported to be the result of a plan to murder her, and that this rumor soon reached London.

New Rec. Off. Wyatt's Rebellion 1554 by Gardiner Gardiner's Annals New Rec. Off. Notes and Queries 3d Ser., p. 20, etc. Harleian MSS. Brit. Museum

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From this point forward, Robert's career can be followed as constantly rising in favor with Elizabeth. As early as Jan. 18, 1558, three months after her proclamation as Queen, she had appointed Dudley, Master of Horse. Here it should be remarked that according to the reckoning of these times the year began March 25th. Three months later, April 23, she created Dudley, Knight of the Garter. In November of the same year she conferred upon him two extensive monastic estates in the County of Kew, and a large landed estate, also tax-exemption in the sale of woolen goods, and other favors. And in the same month she appointed Dudley Commander-in-Chief over the Castle and Forests of Windsor. As the investiture of the Order of Knight of the Garter took place in St. George's Chapel in Windsor Castle, Dudley thus became immediately the first Knight of this Order, causing much envy among the older Knights. But the greatest distinction of all was conferred upon Robert Dudley when, in 1564, he was with all pomp created Earl of Leicester. Sir James Melville, at that time Scotch Envoy to England, attended this ceremony in Westminster and describes it minutely in his memoirs. The possession of the magnificent Castle of Kenilworth had been previously conferred upon Robert Dudley by the Queen. When we follow all the evidences of favor which the Queen heaped upon Leicester in far greater abundance, than had ever before fallen to the lot of a favorite, and then place over against them the fact that she proposed him for the husband of Mary Stuart, it appears to contradict the statement that she was herself consumed with love for him. Obviously the two queens encountered each other in these transactions with reciprocal false representations and intrigues. From Elizabeth's standpoint this marriage proposal had only a political significance, to protect herself from a union of the Scottish Queen with some foreign Catholic prince, or with the Catholic Darnley Stuart Lennox, as a growing Catholic opposition might endanger her. Eric Marks very correctly calls Leicester a "Figure upon Elizabeth's Chessboard", whom she put forward as soon as she desired to protect herself from a marriage-candidate by wavering and hesitation. In the case of Mary Stuart, also she employed Leicester as a go-between, in order to gain time, to frustrate the marriage plans of the Scottish Queen with Catholic princes.

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Her statesman William Cecil betrays most accurately Elizabeth's real feelings on this subject in a letter: "I see that her Majesty is anxious to be able to advance My Lord Leicester to the high post of Husband to the Scot- tish Queen; but when it comes to the necessary conditions, then I see that her earnestness wanes." History has erroneously depicted Robert Dudley only as Elizabeth's favorite,--her foot-ball used at will. At her court, however, there were watchful eyes, who perceived clearly that Elizabeth's heart, outwardly cold and since early youth repressed by fate, was glowing with the fires of love for Leicester. The dispatches of the Spanish envoy de Fiera to Philip II give authentic proof of this: "The prospect of a union of the Queen with the Archduke Karl is entirely miscarried, as the Queen evidently loves Dudley." In Jan. 1560 de Fiera's successor de Quadra, the Spanish envoy, reports from London to Philip that Dudley's arrogance was continually increasing, and he was looked upon as the future King. In December 1561 a secret despatch of the Spanish envoy advises that the queen is expecting a child by Dudley. A book of which more notice will be taken later, entitled "Leicester's Commonwealth", "conceived, spoken and published with most earnest protestation of all dutiful goodwill and affection toward this realm", which first appeared in Antwerp in 1584, enters with still greater completeness and accuracy into these statements. In the "Dictionary of National Biography" the individual statements also agree with those in "Leicester's Commonwealth." It is therein recorded that on Jan. 21, 1561, Queen Elizabeth was secretly married to Robert Dudley in the house of Lord Pembroke before a number of witnesses. On the next day the birth of Francis, called Bacon, is registered "in London." Many years later the notice was added: "In York House." In the family genealogy of the house of Nicholas Bacon, Francis was, however, not entered. Only the afternote "Born in York House" created the impression that Francis had first seen the light at the official residence of the Lord Keeper. William Rawley, Bacon's personal chaplain and amanuensis, in his Life of Sir Francis Bacon, printed in Resuscitatio 1657, "in York House, or York Place, in the Strand." Rawley must have known that York House was the residence of Sir Nicholas Bacon, while York Place, known also as Whitehall, was the

Ellis, Letters Ser. II, Vol. 2, p. 294 These Despatches appear in complete detail in the records of Simancas Archives Simancas Archives, Escurial Pap. Escurial Pap. Dict. Nat. Biog XVI, p. 114

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State documents of Simancas' Archives Dict. Nat. Biog. XVI. p. 114 Despatch Giac. Surian, Paris, June 1, 1566

residence of the Queen. This ambiguity, therefore, would appear intentional and is highly significant. In the same year,--June 24, 1561, is dated another communication of the Spanish envoy de Quadra to Philip II. I extract the following also from the "Dictionary of National Biography," XVI 114 (same page) (italics mine): "Sir Henry Sidney in January 1560-1 first asked de Quadra whether he would help on the marriage if Dudley undertook to restore the Roman Catholic religion in Eng- land. In February Dudley and the Queen both talked with the Spaniard openly on the subject; in April Dudley ac- cepted the terms offered by de Quadra. He promises that England should send representatives to the Council of Trent, and talked of going himself. On 24 June de Quadra accompanied Elizabeth and her lover on a water-party down the Thames, when they behaved with discreditable freedom. In a long conversation de Quadra undertook to press on their union on condition that they should acknowl- edge the papal supremacy. The negotiation was kept secret from the responsible ministers, but Cecil suspected the grounds of de Quadra's intimacy with Dudley and Eliza- beth, and powerful opposition soon declared itself." In these despatches it is noteworthy that de Quadra, in his conversation regarding the marriage of the Queen with Dudley received no denial and that Elizabeth and Robert Dudley jointly gave to him their promise of the acknowledgment of Papal Sovereignty. Elizabeth, who seldom lost her presence of mind, as she showed in all the difficult crises of her life, and who in the future never recognized Leicester as her husband, much less Prince Consort, may at this time have acted under unexpected and embarrassing circumstances, for she betrayed in this joint acquiescence her relations with Robert Dudley. The Spanish Envoy so understood it, according to his reports to Philip as the records in Simancas clearly show. The Venetian Envoy Surian, also speaks of the relations between Elizabeth and Dudley in 1566. Here it is apparent that he knew nothing of the secret marriage, but only considered this union probable, as the marriage of Elizabeth's choice. He writes: "Mi e' stato detto da persona, la qual e' ben avisata della cose di la', che l'amor che porta sua Maesta al soprascritto milord Roberto e' tale, che ella o' li prendera finalmente per marito o' non ne prendera mai niuno." (A certain personage who knows the situation there very well has told me that the love which her Majesty bears for the above mentioned Milord Robert is so great that she will eventually take him as her husband or none at all.)

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From all the above reiterated observations and communications is evidenced the enduring quality which Elizabeth showed in her love for Leicester, as also the carrying out of her original intentions never to concede to him the right of a Prince Consort. With her peculiar tenacity she knew full well how to guard the secret of her marriage. These methods of procedure, like the repudiation of her sons, seem so incomprehensible that they are not to be credited without convincing proof, and all the less as the evidence remained so carefully hidden. Even tho' we attempt to excuse this behavior of the Queen by citing the somewhat loose customs of the time, it still remains an incomprehensible enigma. The solution is, however, to be sought in the reasons of state followed by her from her accession to the throne, always remembering that she as ruler was able to carry them out with the determination of character inherited from her father. She indicated this purpose when in addressing her first Parliament she said "She desired to appear in the Annals of History as the Virgin Queen, and therefore wished no Tudor as successor to the Throne." No one during her lifetime saw through Elizabeth's reasons of State and judged her more accurately than her eldest, dethroned son, Francis Tudor, called Bacon. His writings, his letters, and at last his great statesmanship under James I, offer the clearest evidence.

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(a) FRANCIS BACON ELIZABETHAN PERIOD 1561-1603 From the union of Elizabeth with Leicester sprang a second son, Robert, born in 1567. This child also was attributed to another family, namely, to Walter Devereux, Lord Hereford. The evidences of this are to be found in the writings of his full brother Francis, referred to in the following pages. The Devereux Family traces its descent from Robert D'Evereux, who came over with William the Conqueror and settled in Hereford. Passing over the intermediate generations, we draw attention to Walter Devereux, Lord Hereford, born 1541, and married in 1561 to Lettice, the eldest daughter of Sir Francis Knollys, Knight of the Garter. The young pair lived at first quite retired upon their estates and were much troubled with financial difficulties. Lord Hereford was gradually drawn by Elizabeth to the court, and later became Governor of Ireland. In the old genealogical records of the Devereux Hereford family are registered three children of the marriage of Walter and Lettice Devereux Hereford. The son, Walter, born 1569, who fell at Rouen 1591; also two daughters, Penelope and Dorothy. On March 4, 1572, the Queen elevated Walter Devereux Lord Hereford to the Earldom of Essex,--five years after the birth of Robert Tudor, called Essex. And in the Essex genealogical register of the 16th Century this Robert is not entered as the eldest son until after the Earldom of Essex had been conferred upon his reputed father. As heir of this title he was then put forward as the legitimate sone of the Essex couple. Thus at the outset, through the absence of two genealogical records we have two items of negative evidence that not only Francis so-called Bacon, but also Robert so-called Lord Essex, did not belong to these respective families. The history of Robert of Leicester shows that year after year he hoped in vain to be openly acknowledged by Elizabeth as Prince Consort; also that she continually heaped distinctions upon him. Even after occasional outbursts of ill temper against Leicester the Queen was to the last ever the same in reconciliation and forgiveness. In Froude's History of England, VII, p. 308-26, we find that,

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according to the records of the Simancas Archives, Elizabeth and Leicester considered the announcement of their marriage through Spanish mediation, but that Elizabeth always refused. This does not, however, indicate that the marriage was not concluded without Spanish mediation, since Elizabeth desired to keep it secret. Much more remarkable is a letter from Leicester in the Simancas Archives, in which he asks the mediation of the Spanish Court to secure his acknowledgment by Elizabeth as Prince Consort. In the Leicester genealogy is recorded his first marriage with Amy Robsart, and afterwards a secret marriage with Lady Douglas Sheffield before only eight witnesses in Esher, County of Surrey. This marriage took place two days before the birth of a son to this couple who was named Robert. This Robert was afterward Leicester's sole heir, insofar as Elizabeth had not, after Leicester's death, appropriated a portion of his estates and other properties. Leicester did not trouble himself about this child. He was sent early to school and later to Oxford University under the tutelage of a special instructor, but entered only as the "Son of a Lord," nothing revealing his ancestry. After Leicester's death he had great difficulty in legitimating himself as Leicester's son, which was afterward accomplished through the discovery of a contract between his parents. Concerning his father, he stated that for reasons unknown to him his father had kept secret his marriage with his mother. After three years Leicester parted from Lady Sheffield, and evidently turned his passion toward Lettice, wife of Walter Lord Essex. After Lord Essex's death he married the widow, and this marriage also was apparently kept secret from Elizabeth. This secrecy was not, however, generally well preserved, as the French Ambassador, M. de Simier, in a conversation with the Queen, casually mentioned the marriage of Leicester with Lady Essex as a known fact. Elizabeth's anger blazed up most severely. Leicester was banished from the Court, and was apparently most repentant. He withdrew from the court as an exile and stated that he would poison himself in despair. But even after this grievous affront, which Elizabeth had suffered in his marriage with Lettice, she again pardoned him and permitted him to remain near her. Leicester appeared everywhere and to the last as victor in his influence over the Queen, even though his greatest wish, to be acknowledged Prince Consort, was always denied him.

Escurial Papers State papers, Foreign 1580-87 M. de Simier Wil. Salt, Archeolog. Society Coll., Family Dudley

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New Rec. Off. docum. Leicester and Notes and Queries, Ser. 3d. p. 20, etc.

His death occurred in 1588, while both he and Lettice were ill. As recorded in "Leicester's Commonwealth," Leicester had mixed a poison with medicine. Lettice, however, handed it to Leicester, believing it to be a harmless medical drink. His death resulted. To summarize the historical facts: Leicester made three secret marriages, after he had gotten Amy Robsart out of the way. His secret marriages he contracted with Queen Elizabeth, with Lady Howard Sheffield, and with Lady Essex. Through the last named he became the so-called stepfather of his legitimate son Robert, born to the Queen. When Leicester died in 1588 he bequeathed to Elizabeth valuable jewels, yet she also appropriated as her own after his death part of the landed estates presented to him, together with the costly gold and silver vessels and other valuable furnishings from Kenilworth. That Leicester's hopes of acknowledgment as Prince Consort again revived,--after he had, before his expedition to the Netherlands, given them up,--is shown by significant letters written from the Netherlands at this period. And none of his "side marriages" would have stood in his way,--he was too cold-blooded a poison expert, as he is represented in Leicester's Commonwealth. (Leicester's Commonwealth facsimile, P. 161. The following authorities are cited in addition to the above: "Camden Society Publications and Calendar of State Papers," Correspondence of Robert Dudley; Lord Leicester's "Documents," Camden Society; "Leicester during his government in the Low Countries, 1585."

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III. FRANCIS TUDOR, CALLED BACON HIS LIFE FROM 1561 to 1603. Francis Tudor grew up in the family of Nicholas Bacon, Lord Keeper of the Great Seal, and so shared the love of these his foster parents that he felt himself in their home as their own child. In particular did he cherish to the last a grateful loyalty to Ann Bacon. She was the second wife of Nicholas Bacon, daughter of Sir Anthony Cooke, and sister to the wife of William Cecil, afterwards Lord Burghley, the first Lord Treasurer. Of Nicholas' first marriage were born to him three sons: Nicholas, Nathaniel and Edward, and three daughters. Lady Anne presented him with but one son, Anthony, who was two years older than Francis. With Elizabeth's accession to the throne began the rising career of Nicholas Bacon, the Advocate, through the influence of his brother-in-law Cecil, as under the Catholic Queen Mary, even his life had many times been threatened. In 1558 Elizabeth both had advanced him to the position of Lord Keeper, and to Knighthood as Sir Nicholas Bacon. As he had proven himself learned in both civil and ecclesiastical law, the queen for many years confided to him the guidance of ecclesiastical affairs in Parliament, he presiding at the opening of the first Parliament which she summoned. For his official residence as Lord Keeper he received the palace of the Archbishop of York (York House) on the Thames. Early in the fifteen sixties, Nicholas Bacon purchased the country seat of Gorhambury, and gradually acquired estates in the County of Middlesex. His country house at Gorhambury, in the County of Hereford, near St. Albans, he built for himself in the years 1563 to 1568. The great banquet hall of Gorhambury was decorated with carvings (being partly Sir Nicholas Bacon's original verse) and maxims regarding Grammar, Logic, Arithmetic, Astrology, History, etc. These interests of the Lord Keeper show how Francis' spirit, from youth up, was awakened to the same. In lively remembrance, he recalled the visits of the Queen, who,

D'Ewes Journal, II. Hayward's Annals Camd. Society, p. 22 Lambeth Palace Camden Society, p. 29 Lambeth Palace MSS., 644 ff. 5 & 6

19

Trinity College, Cambridge, Brit. Magaz., p. 144 & p. 365 Gray's Inn Book of Orders, p. 56

when tarrying in Gorhambury, conversed with the boys regarding their school work and progress in study. At these times she seemed to the young Francis particularly severe. At twelve years of age he went to Trinity College, Cambridge, and for two years lived there with his brother Anthony. In 1576 Anthony and Francis were received into the "Societas Magistrorum" of Gray's Inn, as Sir Nicholas had destined both youths for a legal career. Francis does not state the exact day when he became aware of his mysterious birth, but there are reasons to believe that it occurred during his studies at Gray's Inn, for while the elder Anthony was able to complete the course, Francis, barely sixteen years of age, was suddenly torn from them at the desire of the Queen, and sent out of England. He was attached to Sir Nicholas' nephew, Sir Amyas Paulet, the English Ambassador in Paris. But this diplomatic career was likewise rudely interrupted, because, after Nicholas Bacon's death, being left without means, he was obliged to follow his legal career for a livelihood. Anthony on the other hand after his father's death could pursue his education for ten years further on the Continent. Life at the French court broadened Francis' views and he met there prominent men, with some of whom he maintained friendship till mature years. Opportunity was also afforded him not only to engage in the study of the Romance languages, and of foreign literatures, but also to increase his efficiency in the ancient tongues. Thus did his sojourn in France bear for him lasting fruits. After the death of Sir Nicholas Bacon in 1579 Francis was obliged to return to London. Here it is noteworthy that the Lord Keeper left all his children well provided with means and certain landed estates in the counties of Hereford and Middlesex. Anthony inherited Gorhambury, which also remained the dower seat of Lady Ann Bacon. To Francis the Lord Keeper had bequeathed nothing and, almost without means, he became dependent upon the assistance of his foster-mother and occasional aid from Anthony. Although the Lord Keeper had apparently hoped for Elizabeth's support of Francis after his death, yet the enforced continuance of his legal career shows that he was obliged to seek a livelihood, and forms a sharp contrast with his life at the French Court, which had caused him to find legal pursuits much against his inclination. Anthony, on the other hand, was able to maintain himself

20

for ten years on the Continent, become familiar with France, Germany and Italy, broadening his education in this manner. From the time when Francis resumed his law studies in Gray's Inn, until he became there an "Utter Barrister", he had experienced the greatest hardships through Cecil, who from the outset opposed his efforts to secure a government office. With great tenacity, Cecil pursued his purpose to keep Francis away from the Queen. In 1584 Francis was elected to the Lower House of Parliament from Melcombe, County of Dorset. At this time the conspiracy of the Catholic powers, especially with the help of the banished English Jesuits, against Elizabeth and in the interests of Mary Stuart, was agitating all the English Protestants, while those of Scotland were attached to her son James. This synchronizes with the motif and earliest date of the Shakespeare Hamlet. See "Renascence Drama," by William Thompson, Melbourne, 1880. In England, however, the Protestant party was divided. The Orthodox Wing desired to transfer the ecclesiastical power, which had been wrested from the Pope to a Protestant head of the Church, clothed with almost equal pastoral authority. Learned theologians of more moderate political opinions were thus hampered in the freedom of teaching and persecuted almost as fanatically as the Catholics. The Non-Conformist party had thus formed itself in opposition to the Orthodox Church party, the former being in no way antagonistic to the Government, but standing only for the liberty of public teaching. Francis, at this time but twenty-four years of age, was thus subjected to the influence of all the floods which surrounded him: Dangers to Elizabeth through conspiracies, mistrust against the Catholic Countries Spain and France, and against the still powerful Catholic Nobility of Scotland, and conflicts within the English Protestant Church. In addition was felt also the influence of Francis' greatly esteemed foster-mother, Lady Ann Bacon, who espoused the cause of the non-conformists, and even addressed to her brother-in-law, Lord Burghley a letter in regard to the same. During the session of Parliament Francis' name is mentioned but twice as voting, and never as an extensive speaker, as is brought out in the Journal of D'Ewes. During this epoch, however, proceeded from his pen: "Letter of Advice to the Queen." This article appears as the first significant work of a young politician and magistrate, who with candor and yet with becom-

D'Ewes Journal

21

Harl. MSS. 6867/42. Probably written 1584, certainly not before death of Pope Gregory XIII. Apl. 1585

ing respect offers to his monarch, during a period of her reign, when she was obliged to employ her wits against friends and foes alike, and when it was considered by him dangerous to press the Catholics too severely lest they might unite themselves in a great movement against her. He gives her delicate diplomatic hints how to act in order to prevent the Catholics' enmity from increasing, while at the same time not bidding for their friendship. In the same manner he expresses himself regarding the bishops of the English Church, although, as he writes, he fears that his views are contrary to those of the Queen. Yet he sees in the assumption of power by the bishops an oppression of her Protestant subjects equally dangerous to the Queen. Penetrating more deeply into all these subjects, he finally calls her attention to political alliances, stating how Spain is governed by a monarch, who can become a menace to her through the Catholic power, even as Scotland through proximity and claims to the throne. On the other hand he advises an alliance with France since that government cherished also a fear of the Spanish power. This short extract from the Harleian MSS. 6867/42, shows how Francis, on his first public appearance in Parliament, was noticed for his political foresight and the fearless courage which led him even into a contradiction of the views of Elizabeth for the good of the country and herself. How could such a young barrister have presumed to advise the strong-willed Queen in these highly important affairs of State, unless he possessed especial personal claims to her attention? The absence of royal resentment is most significant! But through this bold fearlessness he became still more disliked by the Cecils, father and son, as they recognized in him a Statesman, who was becoming dangerous to them, and to whom no higher office must be opened, as his ability was superior to their own. But slowly Francis won advancement for himself and became in 1586 a "bencher", a Judge Lateral upon the bench at Gray's Inn, which gave him the right to present addresses for the defence in the courts at Westminster; and in Parliament he became Chairman of the Committee on Subsidies for the Netherland War. Thus he soon gained reputation as a great orator, and in 1589 represented Liverpool in Parliament. During the Parliament summoned in 1586, where the "Great Cause", the extraordinary case of Queen Mary Stuart was agitating all, Francis was, on November 4th, created a member of the appointed committee. Nevertheless no record has been preserved of any address by him on this memorable day.

22

The conflicting emotions and inward struggles of Francis over Elizabeth's duplicity and severity in the case of Mary Stuart, are readily to be appreciated in view of his own fate, of which he was at that time well aware. His decision in this case would therefore be more influenced by general views, which, however, is only supposition, as thus far no evidence is at hand. The "Philosopher and Statesman Bacon" is depicted in history as a savant and a specially capable jurist, distinguished as a keen thinker, but in whom were lacking the sensibilities of heart and soul, as also the impulses of imagination. Superficial students of his philosophical works, essays and letters do not know that his far-seeing glance was projected a century in advance, that he had also a lively imagination, a fine humor, and united in himself such gifts as are only possessed in this degree by a poetic genius. A clear, cold calculating nature, a prosy jurist, would hardly have been capable, like Francis, entering with full warmth into the inner religious struggles of the human soul, then being enacted through the tremendous controversies between the Non-conformists, later called Puritans, and the High Church of England. True they were no longer agitated in Parliament for fear of causing disturbance, but they were persistently fomented and continued through discussions at the University of Cambridge between the representatives of the High Church and the best orators of the Puritans. Since the appearance of invidious and anonymous attacks by the Puritans upon the High Church and the latter's retaliation in kind, Francis, in attendance upon the Cambridge debates, followed these disputes with keen interest. An essay which Francis at first withheld from general circulation is preserved in the Bodleian Library at Oxford. It is entitled: "Advertisement, touching the Controversies of the Church of England", and from its contents it is evident how deeply he was moved by the questions of faith, which found entrance into his soul, and how the words of Christ moved him to meditation. He invoked the prophecy of Christ; how in the latter days men would say: "Here is Christ,--there is Christ"; as we read the word and now witness its fulfilment. Entering into the controversy he writes that every man should be quick to hear, slow to speak, and slow to anger. And as he offers this advice to both parties he adds that he who mixes poison in the disputes, the more embitters the wounds inflicted. He then continues: "Vos estis fratres: ye are brethren--

Oxford Bodleian Library, E. Mus. 55

23

why strive ye?" But he who takes umbrage at this advice, shows most plainly that he is doing his brother wrong. He will not enter more deeply into the controversies themselves, for, in order to remove them, was required rather tranquillity than further and deeper discussion. At the same time he states, that all parties must recognize the fact that these questions are not of the highest significance, as they did not touch the real mysteries of the Faith, the dissemination of which has from the beginning been the first duty of the Church. Thus he advised the parties to give over their pamphleteering animosity. He weighs the ecclesiastical controversies pro and con and points forward to the time when unbelief will contaminate the leaders of the Church and undermine the foundations of the Faith. He goes still further regarding the similarities between the English State Church and the Churches on the Continent, and wishes that all may receive God's blessing in peace and harmony. Then he condemns all the authorities, which permit these discussions between the churches, but he speaks neither with the legal acumen of the advocate, nor yet alone with philosophical wisdom, (though he quotes both Solomon and Plato), but he speaks impressively of his knowledge of and respect for the Articles of Faith. He will not permit the Mystery of Faith to lose, through controversy, its value for the inmost human soul. In 1590 we learn by letters for the first time of his meeting with Essex, who had distinguished himself under Leicester in the Netherlands. Leicester had died in 1588, as also the old counsellor, Lord William Burghley, and thus Elizabeth found herself isolated and deprived of her former staff. She now turned her favor toward Essex, who accepted it, though without especial gratitude. Elizabeth had already appointed him in 1587 Master of Horse, and in 1588 General of Cavalry. She thus seemed disposed to heap upon him the same rapid distinctions as formerly upon Leicester, but in this latter case appear radical differences from the former. We observe that Francis was in this matter thoroughly in Essex's confidence, and in case of misunderstandings, which were not lacking between Essex and the Queen, the elder, more experienced and intellectually superior Francis sought to bring his hot-spurred younger brother into submission to the Queen, in order not to forfeit the royal favor.

24

In comparing the personalities which influenced most strongly Elizabeth's self-engrossed life, Leicester remains paramount. Her love for him overcame even his most grievous offence against her--his marriage with Lady Lettice, the widow of the elder Essex. But with all the passion which she felt for him in youth, and which to the last never entirely cooled, she understood how to cause him to appear before the court only as her favorite and counsellor, and, whatever more might be thought of their relations, the preservation of the secret was a life and death matter. Leicester and young Essex, Father and Son, and again appearing before the world as Stepfather and Stepson, and the younger serving also under the elder in the Netherland Wars, presented, even for those times, an almost unbelievable complication. In addition to the confirmation of these circumstances through a significant, contemporaneous book, the similarity of feature, according to the best portraits of Leicester and Robert indicate a close blood-relationship. There is a tell-tale resemblance in their figure, elegant carriage and cast of countenance. In character, however, the son was better than the father, even though his hot blood swept him finally into high treason and to the block. All the statements here made concerning Leicester, even in his relations with Elizabeth, have been preserved through the centuries in a book with a recital of all the facts, condemnatory it is true, but as to Leicester, depicting truthful public opinion. In 1584 this volume first appeared under the peculiar title of "Father Parson's Green Coat," a title which in no way suggested the contents. But as it was published anonymously, or to speak more correctly, pseudonymously, it was so-called because of its green cover and green edges, and its authorship without any reason at all attributed to a Reverend Parson. It was prohibited in England and especially at the court, but the interdict came too late, for in 1585 the second edition appeared in London and in Naples. It is evident, that the author of this work, directed as it was against Leicester, describing with accuracy his life and character, and exhibiting him as debauchee and poisoner, could only have been a courtier with exact knowledge of all the facts. But the real author never betrayed himself. In 1641 this book was again published, but under the title: "Leicester's Commonwealth, conceived, spoken and published with most earnest protestations of all dutiful goodwill and affection toward this realm." It is cited in the State Calendar

State Calendar 1641-43, p. 136

25

Cole's MSS.--129 Northumberland MSS., Alnwick Castle, Durham Co. Plates of Northumberland MSS., facsimile and interpretation. The Letters and Life of Francis Bacon, by James Spedding, London, Green, Longmans and Roberts, Vol. VII. 1861-74. The Northumberland MSS.

for the years 1641 to 1643, p. 136, where it is stated: "This book forms the basis for every memoir written of Robert Dudley, Lord Leicester, as drawn from original writing and records." The underlying purpose was evidently that the author desired to provide for the upholding of the truth beyond his own life time. The author, however, did not become known to the afterworld until 1867. As early as the 17th Century it was shown as proven by letters--that the suspicions which were directed against the clerical parson as the author, were entirely unfounded, as the work must have proceeded from the pen of a statesman and courtier who possessed accurate information regarding Leicester's life and conduct at the court. Two hundred years later, 1867, brought to light a hitherto unknown MSS. The "Northumberland MSS" is so called from the place of its discovery, in Northumberland House, London, afterward Northumberland Avenue Place. Since then the Northumberland MSS. has been preserved in Alnwick Castle, the seat of the Duke of Northumberland in Durham County. The so-called "Bacon Discoveries," in so far as they concern MSS. and Letters of Francis Tudor, are being brought more and more to light. But it must not be thought that all the writings of Francis have yet been brought out from private archives, even perhaps against the wishes of the owners, nor that the sum total of these discoveries can be regarded as complete. Still the number of documents already discovered is so great that, in the middle of the last century, Spedding felt called upon to revise and publish those at that time known, in the second series of his 14 volume work on Francis Bacon. The Northumberland MSS., the publication of which Spedding undertook in 1870, consisted of an envelope or portfolio cover, containing the list of writings which at an earlier date had undoubtedly all been contained therein, but of which only 90 pages remained. The list included: Mr. ffrauncis Bacon of tribute or giving what is dew. The praise of the worthiest vertue. The praise of the worthiest affection. The praise of the worthiest power. The praise of the worthiest person. Various essays and speeches. Leycesters Commonwealth. Orations and essays. Then follows the line: "By Mr. ffrauncis William Shakespeare."

26

Under this combined name appear upside down the words "your sovereign." Rychard the second. Rychard the third. Asmond and Cornelia. Isle of Dogs. Between, beside and over these titles are written many times in various forms and abbreviations the names "ffrauncis Bacon," "Fr. Bacon," "William Shakespeare," "Wm. Shak.", &c. The latter, is, however, written, not in the form applied to the actor, but invariably "Shakespeare." The masque composed in 1592 and produced for the first time in honor of Queen Elizabeth's birthday, Nov. 17 of that year, is noted in the fragments first above cited. The first six lines, referring to the masque of 1592, are in a large, clear, and comparatively modern-pattern hand, closely resembling, if, indeed it is not, the chirography of Bacon himself. The balance of the lists and scribblings on the cover are in the usual hand of the court scrivener of the period. The large S, shaped like the S on the Shakspere Will, and a thousand other documents of the time, and on account of which Mr. Sothern has tried to identify the handwriting on the Thomas More MSS., occurs at least a dozen times on this cover. The real authorship of Leicester's Commonwealth, so long a mystery, is also here indicated though not positively stated. Most of the cover and the ninety pages of contents preserved to us are supposed to be the handwriting of John Davies, who acted at times as Bacon's secretary. Spedding in his reproduction of this list has overlooked the notice marked on the back: "put into type", which clearly indicates a definite or planned order of printing. And the majority of the titles shown in this list can be identified as having been printed. Concerning this Northumberland MSS. it should also be noticed that is shows on the edges damage by fire, and certain words on the margin have become illegible, but the titles cited have not suffered. And now turning to the friendship between Essex and Francis, let it be mentioned that in 1592 Anthony Bacon returned from the continent, and that from this time on, the friendship of these three men assumed an intimate character. Meanwhile the political horizon had become more clouded and Essex, who had gained a seat in the Council, brought about negotiations between France and England concerning the contemplated apostasy of the Protestant King Henry IV to Catholicism, which caused his allegiance to Elizabeth to totter.

27

Lambeth Palace, London. Rawley's Resuscitatio. and Addl. MSS. 5503, p. 1b

The many despatches which were at this period exchanged with France and came under Essex's charge, Francis and Anthony assisted him in deciphering. Cipher correspondence between these three friends is also in evidence during this period, showing that the three men exchanged secrets among themselves. Interesting political events then developed. The Spanish conspiracy against Elizabeth, undertaken for Philip by Dr. Roderigo Lopez for large compensation, was discovered by Essex. Whether and how far Francis assisted him in the matter of cipher letters is not known, only that at that time they were closely associated. During this period Francis was repeatedly under pressure of poverty. His literary tendencies, secretly pursued, which will be more fully touched upon later, required money, as he was soon obliged to pay,--now for borrowed pseudonyms,--now for costs of printing, and again for costly copper-plates. Essex, in favor with the Queen, exerted himself actively to secure for Francis a better income through a higher office, but Elizabeth remained deaf to his recommendation. She had not forgotten that in 1593 he had failed to vote for the war preparation subsidies in accord with the upper house, in event of a Spanish attack, but had stood out for an extension of time. In this matter he had voted against the wishes of the Queen and was advised to address a letter of apology to the Upper House. His letter, which Elizabeth had opportunity to read, contained, however, no apology at all. He wrote in regard to the subsidies: And it is not unknown to your Lordship, that I was first of the Ordinary Sort, of the Lower House of Parliament, that spake for the Subsidy; And that, which I after spake in difference, was but in circumstances of Time and Manner, which methinks should be no greater Matter, since there is Variety allowed in Counsel, as a Discord in Musick, to make it more perfect." A second conspiracy was discovered in Scotland, which gave occasion for sending Francis thither as secret agent. He unfortunately fell ill upon the journey without being able to fulfil his mission, and on his return he took up his abode in Cambridge. This visit drew to him the attention of the outside world, as his old university conferred upon him the degree of Master of Arts. From this same year, in which he received such distinction in the world of letters, but during which he knew that shame-

28

ful intrigues were being carried on against him at the court to prevent his advancement to higher office, a MSS. packet, unpublished until 1883, affords a glance at the nevertheless uninterrupted intellectual activity of this great thinker. Spedding drew attention to this MSS. in 1859 and in 1883 Mrs. Henry M. Pott most exhaustively analyzed the same in their relation to the plays. Among these papers is noticeable a memorandum book in Francis' own hand, entitled: "The Promus of Formularies and Elegancies," which contains single words, sentences, collected quotations and also proverbs which he had selected in order out of this collection to enrich his mother tongue where it had been hitherto found wanting. The number of his newly-created words together with those adapted from other languages is reckoned by an Etymologist at nearly five thousand. And they show themselves in brilliant utilization in his writings in comparison with the English language of his day in pregnant, extraordinary and delicately turned sentences and modes of expression. "A prophet is not without honor save in his own country"--a bitter truth which Francis experienced to the full. In spite of his intellectual labors, in spite of his brilliant oratory, the higher offices remained closed to him. In spite of Essex's efforts to secure for Francis the vacant office of Attorney General, they saw it bestowed upon Francis' enemy Coke, and in like manner the vacant office of Master of the Rolls was denied him. Essex was now doubly anxious over Francis' distress for money and offered him a piece of profitable land as a gift. This Francis would not at first accept, which so wounded the passionate and impulsive Essex that he positively forced it upon him, until Francis could no longer decline. From this period the transaction was carried on by word of mouth and when brought to a conclusion Francis touched upon it by letter. This letter is worthy of remark, as it shows the intimate relations between these friends and brothers. Francis during Elizabeth's lifetime had received no advancement in rank, having not even been Knighted as was his foster-father, and he always observed rigidly these difference of rank. In his letters he always addressed his foster-mother, who had been to him as his own, "Madam" or "Your Ladyship," and subscribed himself as "Your Ladyship's most obedient son, F. B." The same difference of rank he observed in letters to Essex. In many letters he expressly states that he regards himself as belonging to the "Commons."

The Promus of Formularies and Elegancies. James Spedding, Robert Leslie Ellis and Douglas Denen Heath, 1859, Vol. VII, London. Longmans, Green Co.

29

Letter to Essex, Rawley's Resuscitatio, 1657. Other Letters, p. 93

On one occasion, when during his years of waiting, he saw himself continually the victim of false hopes, he wrote to Essex to the effect that he would not pursue further the profession of the law unless indeed the Queen should especially call him on a case. He had determined to employ his time to better advantage. In this letter he concludes with these words: "For your Lordship, I do think myself more beholding to you than any Man. And I say, I reckon myself as a Common (not Popular but Common) and as much as is lawful to be enclosed of a Common, so much Your Lordship shall be sure to have." Here it should be noticed how Francis continually admits his rank as below that of the Lord, as "Common", twice repeated but with the addition "not popular", which indicates that he knew that he did not, like Essex, stand high in popular favor. His pun on the "enclosing of the commons" shows a sense of humor unabated by his misfortunes. Could he possibly have had in mind the Actor Shakspere's attempt to enclose the commons at Stratford and the consequent litigation? In another letter he emphasizes the fact that despite all friendship and devotion he can no longer remain politically attached to Essex, as it would be contrary to the laws of the State and his duty to the Queen. And in still a third letter he states that he loves Essex above all, but yet loves more the preservation of peace and the untroubled reign of the Queen. After the acceptance of the gift of land, Francis states that the bestowal of property constitutes vassals, but that Essex, despite the gift, must not so consider him. Francis had purchased the country place at Twickenham Park, formerly the property of his deceased elder foster-brother, Edward Bacon, and Elizabeth had granted him the ownership license for a term of years. Adjoining this park lay the land presented to him by Essex, which Francis sold later for £1800. Twickenham Park made it possible for him to periodically retire into seclusion, which in a letter to Essex he regards as essential in order to concentrate his thoughts upon his intellectual labors. Upon the whole his correspondence with Essex shows how he, though standing in friendly intimacy with him, often expressed his opinion against him. Nor did he conceal from Essex his bitter feelings concerning his own life destiny. Yet these thoughts are so expressed that their full significance can only be grasped by the initiated and like-minded.

30

He also remembers with bitterness his early youth at the French Court, which to him had seemed the beginning of a diplomatic career. On the other hand he emphasizes the fact that he had left England at that time at the Queen's command and had been sent to Paris as the companion of Sir Amyas Paulet at an unusually early age. So much the more discontented did he feel that he had been precipitately misplaced in the legal career and adds that he had served Elizabeth for twenty years without the slightest reward from her. He writes to Essex (1594 or 95?) an undated letter which contains the following sentence: "And you Lordship may easily think that having now these twenty years (for so long it is and more, since I went with Sir Amyas Paulett into France, from her Majesties royal Hand) I make her Majesties service the scope of my life." Even in the time of William Cecil, Lord Burghley, as early as 1580 can be traced the manner in which he was continually fed with false hopes. He was during that time fully conscious that the Queen, who usually encouraged young blood about her, left him unnoticed. He considered his treatment most unjust, for although admitting himself to be still young for a high office, he realized that as early as his sixteenth year he had entered the Queen's service. He gives expression to this thought also in a letter to the First Secretary, Sir Francis Walsingham, dated August 25, 1585. The original of this letter is preserved. Many years afterward he complained in like manner regarding Essex. Francis' relations with Essex did not, however, confine themselves to confidences regarding his own cares, but as the older and more experienced man he ever followed Essex in his forward-pressing nature, ever zealous for accomplishment. Nor was he sparing in advice against the imprudences into which Essex was easily drawn. A special opportunity for this arose when Essex had successfully carried out his bold stroke against the Spaniard in 1596. If Essex thereby advanced in public favor then would his enemies endeavor to lessen his favor with the Queen and in his conduct toward her Essex needed good advice and guidance. As Spedding rightly judges, one can compare the conduct of Essex toward the Queen with the capricious and impulsive behavior of a "spoiled child" if one but considers the various misunderstandings between Essex and the aging Queen. Many historians have represented the relations between

Rawley's Resuscitatio, 1657. Other Letters, p. 73 New Rec. Off. S. P. O. Domestic. 1585

31

Essex and the Queen as a love affair. When, however, they are considered from an unprejudiced standpoint, especially in view of the great difference in their ages, such scenes as the example hereafter cited, cannot fail to awaken the impression that the incidents thus portrayed in history were enacted between mother and son. It is true that some historians are disposed to cast doubt upon this scene which was enacted in Elizabeth's sleeping apartment, when in 1599 Essex had returned from Ireland, prematurely and against her wish, and, in traveling garb, surprised her late in the evening in order to report to her in person his military disaster. But it is plain that the passionate young man desired to express on the one hand his despair at the miscarriage of his all too obstinately advanced plans for the Irish campaign, and on the other hand, knowing his army to be destroyed, wished to present his justification before her. Her vascillating, diplomatically calculating nature, which was so often the despair of her advisors and subordinates, Essex could never endure but took immediate offence. Again and again Elizabeth meets him as the condescending and forgiving Queen. But the same patience which she exercised toward Leicester did not extend to the son. Francis scrutinized the whole with quiet clearness and plainly saw the dangers to which Essex's passionate nature would expose him. He also realized that Essex possessed many traits of character similar to Leicester which might easily work to his disadvantage since his relations to the Queen were quite different and required the greatest circumspection. How accurately he perceived the entire situation is shown by a detailed letter from him to Essex. He recognized that the young man, popular with the people, thirsting for action and fame, possessed at the court jealous enemies who threatened to estrange him from the Queen. Leicester had also risked much and wounded the Queen to the heart through his secret marriage with Lettice, Widow Essex--but he felt that he was to her indispensable and therefore secure. Elizabeth's love transferred to the son was not so strong,--it was only the reflection of those feelings which she had buried in Leicester's grave. When we weigh this fact in view of the advice which Bacon gives Essex concerning his behavior toward the Queen, we see at once that he lays everything plainly before him, not as being his inferior in rank, but with the wisest foresight with which he has thought out the entire matter and gives in his letters to Essex the most confidential advice in the plainest of language, though sometimes between the lines.

32

[Picture 2] This "Letter of Advice to Essex," is printed in Rawley's "Resuscitatio," p. 88. It is dated Oct. 4, 1596. The purpose of this book does not necessitate its reproduction in full detail, but the quotation of a few sentences from it will suffice. First of all Francis states that he had already expressed similar views verbally, and that he here repeats them as he values Essex's fortunes as his own. He then reminds him of the arguments which Essex had heretofore adduced against such advice regarding the Queen, namely, that, if he had shown himself too submissive, he would have suffered from her cold and spiteful moods: In reply Francis writes: "But whether I counsell you the best, or for the best, duty bindeth me, to offer you, my wishes.". . . . . . . ."Win the Queen; if this be not the Beginning, of any other course, I see no end." Here he begs Essex to win the Queen as this is the only way to establish the right relations and to destroy in Elizabeth all mistrust against him. Also in his conduct toward friends who advise him rightly as against those who would ensnare him with falsity, he must give such expression to his choice as would be in agreement with the Queen: "for I know the excellency of her (Majesty's) nature too well!" In this last sentence he points out to Essex the proper relations to be sustained toward the Queen whose excellence he extols, although elsewhere not denying her weaknesses. Further on in this letter he warns him against the hypocrisy and flattery in vogue at the court. He also warns Essex to avoid and minimize his likeness to Leicester and all imitations of his ways: "Next, whereas I have noted you, do fly and avoid in some respect the resemblance and imitation of my Lord of Leicester--yet I am persuaded (howsoever I wish your favor, integrity, magnanimity and merit) that it will do you good between the Queen and you, to allege him for authors and patterns." In this and other advice and counsel comes clearly to view in few words the openness between Francis and Essex, how they respectively judge of Leicester and how the elder brother admits to the younger the latter's resemblance to Leicester, while also recognizing his far superior character. Essex's transactions in Ireland appear at this time full of duplicity. He had entered into negotiations with the powerful Earl of Tyrone, who was upheld by Spain against England, and, without having defeated him, had returned to England in advance of the Queen's recall. He had disregarded the re-

Rawley's Resuscitatio. 1657. Other Letters, p. 88

33

Original MSS. by Bacon's own hand. Brit. Mus. Lansd. MSS. LXXXVII. fo. 210, quoted in Resuscitatio, Several Letters, p. 8 Rawley's Resuscitatio, 1657, Several Letters, p. 10 Lambeth MSS. 941, p. 139

peated advice of Francis, so that the latter's efforts with Elizabeth for reconciliation proved all in vain. Essex was denied access to the Queen and held in arrest in his own house. Thus closed the year 1599. When finally released, the restless Essex planned new undertakings. He regarded the government of the aging woman, Elizabeth, who held him in too close restraint, as out-lived, and intrigued secretly against her with James VI of Scotland, he relying too strongly upon the popular favor by which he believed himself supported. He thus drew down more dark clouds, not only over his own head but over Elizabeth's. And again did Francis' wisdom and discretion penetrate the dangers which Essex prepared for himself. It was a tremendous moment--an historical landmark in which two letters grandly exhibit alike Francis' character and statesmanlike loyalty to his monarch, and Essex's restless and strongly antagonistic spirit. Politically the two brothers here separate, though their personal friendship remains unbroken. Francis' letter to Essex is here given literally: "My Lord-- No man better expounds my doings which maketh me need to say the less. Only I humbly pray you to believe that I aspire to the conscience and commendation, first "bonus civis" which with us is a good and true servant of the Queen and next of "bonus vir" that is an honest man. I desire your Lordship also to think that though I confess I love some things much better than I love your Lordship, as the Queen's service, her quiet and contentment, her honor, her favour, the good of my country and the like, yet I love few persons better than yourself both for gratitude's sake and for your own virtues which cannot be hurt but by accident or abuse." Thus runs the principal content of this letter to which Essex replied in proper spirit. Although he was by no means without literary ability as his reply shows. It is worthy of note in Essex's answer that he touches upon the difference in their respective literary endowments, saying: "I am a stranger, to all Poetical Concerts, or else I might say somewhat, of your Poetical Example." This exchange of views concerning their literary abilities is most interesting. Then follows an undated letter from Essex to the Queen which is to be found in Lambeth MSS. 941, 139, with the note by Francis: "A letter framed for my Lord of Essex to the Queen." Its contents are, therefore, to be accepted as having been written by Bacon. But the Queen probably guessed that this letter

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had been framed by Francis and sprung from his own sentiments rather than from any real submissiveness on the part of Essex. These letters failed in their purpose to bring about Essex's full restoration to the court as hoped by Francis. Then began secretly Essex's progress with a conspiracy of which he gave Francis no further intimation. He gained other friends, exchanged secret letters with James VI, till at last he felt himself strong enough by means of an organized faction to overthrow the Queen and place himself on the throne. In this can be seen the increasing recklessness of this man who, with Elizabeth overthrown, would thus desire an entire revolution of government. He was completely entangled in these complications by his unquenchable thirst for action. Here again is made apparent the great difference between Francis and Robert, for the former maintained continually his tranquil superiority despite the many struggles from which he privately suffered through neglect and ill treatment. The conspiracy proceeded to the point of outbreak in open rebellion and now Essex was taken prisoner; and upon the command of the Queen, Francis was compelled to appear against him as prosecutor. His address to the prisoner is most remarkable! Bacon begins his condemnation with these words: "You, my lord, should know that though princes give their subjects cause of discontent, though they take away the honour they have heaped upon them, though they bring them to a lower estate than they raised them formerly--yet ought they not to be so forgetful of their allegiance that they should enter into any undutiful act,--much less upon rebellion, as you, my lord, have done." Francis, as Judge in the Crown Council, was compelled to recognize the conspiracy as high treason and the death sentence followed. But it is noteworthy that he begins his speech with an indirect reproach to the Queen, admitting that she had given Essex cause for discontent, though he follows with the statement that no subject is on that account justified in rebellion. Historians of later days regarded his conviction of his friend Essex as almost treason, whereas the blame, if any, should rest upon Elizabeth who demanded his services in the case. When, a year before, the case of Essex came up in the Star Chamber, Francis had absented himself, which had displeased the Queen. In the subsequent trial he but acted the part of an obedient subject. The conflicting emotions which

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Ellis Letters, Ser. 2, Brit. Museum, Vol. 3, p. 195

swept over him, will be fully described from his works and letters in a later volume. His lifelong resignation to his own fate was clearly displayed before the eyes of Essex when he unequivocally represented her as the instigating cause of Essex's guilt. But the ending upon the block of Essex's young life must ever be regarded as tragic and unpardonable in its severity. However historians may try to paint it in the colors of justice, the fact remains that Elizabeth from that time fell into melancholia. Though she fought against it with all her energy, while those about her sought to divert her mind--still the underlying melancholy remained. And what unprejudiced mind, without transforming into a ridiculous old woman the highly gifted monarch whose forceful brain had laid the real foundation of England as a world power, can insinuate that her feelings for the young man were merely an unworthy and amorous passion? No! No! the natural yearnings of the mother forever dominated her agonized heart after that awful death scene. Elizabeth's last hour was approaching, no heir apparent had as yet been named. And when the high dignitary Cecil, Secretary of State, the Lord High Admiral Lord Howard, and the Archbishop of Canterbury, gathered on March 24, 1603, about her deathbed and laid before her for decision the question of a successor, she remained silent. And to the direct question of whether James VI of Scotland should inherit the crown only a silent gesture is said to have given her none too definite reply. A letter dated November, 1603, which gives the account of Elizabeth's last hours, states: "It is hard to say whether the report that the Queen agreed by gesture to the succession of James, rests upon truth or whether it was circulated by those who desired that this be believed a fact." A backward glance over her forty-four year reign shows the development of a reason of state which she consistently followed and which she had apparently had in view from the beginning: To ultimately unite England and Scotland under one sceptre. The will of her grandfather, Henry VII, provided that in event of the failure of the Tudor line, England should be united with Scotland under the Stuarts. With this end in view he married his daughter Margaret in 1503 to James IV of Scotland.

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The will of her father, Henry VIII, provided that in case his children, Edward, Mary and Elizabeth, died without issue the succession should pass to the descendants of his sister Suffolk. On the assembly of Elizabeth's first Parliament in 1558 she replied to the address laid before her by the Commons requesting that she choose for herself a husband, that it was her wish that a monument might ultimately be erected to her with the inscription that she had lived and died as the "Virgin Queen." Shortly after her accession the treaty of Edinburgh was negotiated (1560), when the young queen Mary Stuart, returned to Scotland. There the Protestant party had meanwhile gained the ascendancy and desired to assert itself against the Catholic party of the Queen. Furthermore, Scotland desired to free herself from French influence. The principal points of this treaty were as follows: 1. The French troops heretofore stationed in Scotland must leave the country. 2. The French fortifications at Leith must be destroyed. 3. The French Kings could no longer bear the Scotch and English arms. 4. All Scotch peers who had been banished were to return, and be restored to their former rights and possessions. 5. The higher Court offices could no longer be conferred upon Catholic dignitaries. 6. Scotland was to be governed by a Council of State in- stead of the military power as heretofore. This treaty was laid before Mary Stuart in France by her half-brother, James Stuart, afterwards Lord Murray. She, however, on the advice of her uncle, the cardinal of Lorraine, refused to sign it. That the hands of Cecil and Elizabeth were active in this treaty is shown by many letters from this period. In one we read that, as protector of the Protestant Church, Elizabeth had also attached to herself the Protestant nobility of Scotland: "That in providing for the security and liberty of Scotland, the realm was more bound to her Majesty, Queen Elizabeth, than to her own sovereign." July 17, 1560. Cecil's preparatory work for this treaty is still more clearly mentioned in the following letter written by him: "That the treaty would be no small augmentation to her Majesty's honour in this beginning of her Majesty's reign, that it would finally procure the conquest of Scotland which none of her Majesty's progenitors with all their

New Rec. Off. State Pap., Letter dated July 8, 1560, from Cecil

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battles ever obtained--namely the whole hearts and good wills of the nobility and people which surely was better for England than the revenue of the crown." Here it is clearly brought to light, how Elizabeth, with Cecil Lord Burghley, pursued together the same object, namely, the bringing of England and Scotland ultimately under one scepter. It is true that Elizabeth never expressed this wish but it is plainly shown by her actions. When, before a later Parliament, she was asked regarding the succession she avoided the giving of a decisive answer. She kept secret her marriage with Leicester, surrendered her two sons, Francis and Robert, to other families, maintaining always a position which gave no indication of blood-relationship. This hard-heartedness is readily explainable by the inherited Tudor character of her father, as also the power and the masterfulness with which she carried through what to her appeared the justifying reason of State--the bringing of England and Scotland under one crown. That she was able, despite her marriage to attain this purpose, must be considered due to the great scope of the royal power in her hands where the death penalty followed so easily any resistance to her authority or wishes. On the other hand, her definite refusal even to the hour of death, to name a successor may easily have had its cause in a troubled conscience, for she well knew that she was not departing this life without a legitimate heir of her body. And Francis, her son, he whom this dethronement most nearly affected, composed her worthiest memorial: "In felicem memoriam Elisabethae", not out of gratitude, but in recognition of her real greatness as Queen. -----------------o-----------------

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IV. FRANCIS BACON, BARON VERULAM OF VERULAM VISCOUNT ST. ALBAN UNDER JAMES I. After the death of Queen Elizabeth the resignation of Francis in the face of his disinheritance as the legitimate Tudor successor to the throne might seem to indicate weakness of character. But it should be remembered that he not only had powerful opponents in the Government and Court party, but did not, like Essex, possess the popular favor, so that it is more than probable that such a revolution would have lacked the adherents necessary to ensure success. But there was a second and still more potent reason. He was a thorough going monarchist, a foe to all revolutions, and to him the last will of Elizabeth was sacred. He had correctly grasped her object--the union of the two lands under one sceptre and he therefore bowed before the last silent expression of her will. Do not also the confidence, protection and rapid advancement which he enjoyed under James I for eighteen years, and even the very incidents of his "fall" point to a private understanding between them? It now became his duty to offer the new ruler his abilities and his loyalty, hoping in higher office to be able to better serve his country as counsellor to the King, and this he sought to accomplish through various letters, one direct to the King in Scotland and others to those whose mediating influence he believed would assist in the attainment of his purpose. It is true that, as his detractors sometimes sneeringly allege, he p